Peregraf- Surkew Mohammed
“We both will see the independence of Kurdistan in our lifetime,” Joe Biden told Masoud Barzani when the latter led a Kurdish delegation to Washington in 2015, according to Barzani in his latest book.
“I express my heartfelt congratulations to you, my friend, President-elect Joe Biden for your victory. I sincerely hope and pray that the free world under your leadership will witness more peace and prosperity,” Barzani twitted shortly after the former US vice-president was declared the winner of US presidential election.
The US election and the tough competition between Biden and Trump were observed warmly in the Kurdistan Region as other places around the world. The Presidency of the Kurdistan Region of Iraq, the Presidency of the KRG Council of Ministers, and Kurdish political leaders quickly expressed their delight for Biden’s success and congratulated him on Twitter.
Contrary to Trump, Biden is well familiar with the Kurdish cause and Kurdish leaders. Biden has been to the Kurdistan Region of Iraq (KRI) prior to the collapse of Baath Regime in 2003, and later, he has met with Kurdish leaders and had long discussions. He was vice president in Obama administration for eight years where he was in charge of the Iraq and Kurdish case.
Kurdish State Discussion in the White House
In his latest book For History published in last October, Masoud Barzani writes political, historical analysis for Kurdish problems in the last century and focuses on violating Kurdish rights. In one part, he relates a visit to White House where he discussed referendum and independent Kurdish state with the US President and Vice President.
On Thursday, May 5, 2015, then US president Barak Obama welcomed then KRI President Masoud Barzani who led a delegation to the White House.
Former KRI President states that in that meeting he plainly told Obama about Kurdish problems in the last 100 years and that they had tried every possible way with Baghdad and are tired of the situation, the Kurdish people had the right to decide about their destiny.
“I told him that we are moving toward referendum, but now our priority is the fight against ISIS. Baghdad does not accept partnership, and we cannot accept subservience,” says Barzani in his book.
Barzani also mentions that Obama listened attentively, “he said that he has read about the Kurds and is aware of the struggle and suffering of the Kurdistan people and he understands the wish of the Kurdistan people for independence.”
In the meeting, Obama told Barzani that the case of Iraq and the Kurds is with Vice President Joe Biden, so meet him and discuss it.
The following day, Barzani and his delegation was Joe Biden’s guest for breakfast.
“We had a long meeting that lasted for hours. We discussed in detail our shared history with Iraq in the last century. He expressed his country’s stance about Kurdish independence and the complex problems of the Middle East. At the end of his speech, he told me that we both would see the independence of Kurdistan in our lifetime.”
Building hopes on Biden with a divided home
This familiarity and historical relationship with Biden have made some Kurdish leaders and political analyst to predict hopeful development in the Kurdish cause during Biden’s presidency and a new administration in the White House.
Given the current status of Iraq and Syria and US-Turkey relations and tensions, it seems that the Kurds will have better chances to tighten relations with the US.
With the fact that in Iraq the Shiites are more powerful and affiliated to Iran and the Sunnis are weak, the Kurds are the closest to the US and its interests on the ground. Also in Syria, the US has only the Kurds as its ally, and the bad status of US-Turkey relation has given better chances to the Kurds. In Iraq and Syria, the US needs local forces to protects its interests.
Kurds in both parts of Kurdistan can keep their close relationship with the US and be beneficial if they unite, remain strong internally and implement democratic principles, especially now that KRI is under strong critics from local and international organizations over freedom, human rights and the work condition of journalism. At the same time, internal political disintegration between parties, especially between armed parties Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) and Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK), is a threat to the opportunities. However, corruption and the infringement of the rule of law have weakened the government.
In his book, Barzani refers to the internal disunity existed before the referendum on September 25, 2017, that created fear and reluctance. Barzani mentions that before he visited the US in May 2015, he asked Kurdish political parties’ opinion if it is a good idea to discuss the subject of the independence of Kurdistan with US President, and they all supported the idea.
To support his account on the subject and the stance of the US, he says that he was accompanied by then Deputy Prime Minister Qubad Talabani and then Minister of Housing and Construction Darbaz Kosrat Rasul from PUK, and then Minister of Peshmerga Mustafa Said Qadir from Change Movement.
As he states, after his return from the US, he presented the result of the visit in a meeting with Kurdish political parties on May 18, 2015. Barzani says that in the meeting Ali Bapir, the leader of Kurdistan Islamic Group (KIG), expressed his amazement with the results and achievements of the visit and said, “it seems that your Majesty Mr Masoud has returned to Kurdistan full handed, this is a great task and difficult responsibility, are you ready to accept that responsibility? In return I said, Yes Mr Bapir, it is a great and historical responsibility, and I am ready to take it, provided it will not be messed up internally.”
Two years later, Barzani became the prominent leader of the referendum. Regardless the result of the process, every year Barzani proudly commemorates the day when Kurdish people were faced with the question: do you want the Kurdistan Region and the Kurdistan areas outside the Kurdistan Region to be an independent state? And the options were only ‘yes’ or ‘no’. Finally, more than 92% of the people of Kurdistan voted yes.
Just the way the decision to hold referendum divided Kurdish society and parties to two sides, the result also created the same division which prevailed up to now. The opponents of the process say that it failed and harmed Kurdistan, while the proponents, especially Barzani’s party, claim that it is an essential and historical achievement, but its implementation is suspended. KRG, however, has officially suspended the result of the referendum.
The referendum and the letter from the US
On September 25, 2017 morning, election doors were opened for the people of Kurdistan to vote for independence, days and months earlier there were internal and external pressure and threat to persuade the Kurds not to answer that question.
The days before the referendum, KRI was in a situation full of tensions and struggle. Regional and international pressure were made on Kurdish leaders, especially Masoud Barzani, to cancel or delay the referendum. One of the pressure sides was the US, that was against the referendum.
As the referendum day was getting closer, regional and international pressures increased. On September 14, Barzani met with a delegation of Coalition and the United Nations in a Commander Headquarter for the fight against ISIS in Duhok’s Barzani was offered a letter draft from US Secretary of State.
In his book, Barzani talks about that meeting and says that the delegation stated they understand Kurdistan people’s wish, but they prefer that we negotiate with Baghdad. Moreover, if we could not reach an agreement, they would bring a letter from then US Secretary of State Rex Tillerson where he would express his understanding to the need of the referendum. The proposal was to delay the referendum.
Barzani focuses on Tillerson’s letter that contained some ideas and suggestions concerning delaying the referendum. The letter was not official, and the American diplomats thought that if the referendum is cancelled or delayed, then Tillerson would sign it.
Barzani says, “for us, the letter was good in content and composition, but it did not contain enough guarantee for us to depend on or trust.”
The alternative suggestion in the letter was based on negotiation with Iraq. Barzani says that they had had a long experience of negotiation and agreement with Bagdad that was neglected later.
“Tillerson’s letter could be a base that has a guarantee to persuade the people of Kurdistan to surrender referendum, so where it suggested that the referendum be postponed for two years and if negotiation with Baghdad did not come to fruition, then Kurdistan can hold its referendum, and the US would not overrule it. I asked the US government to replace the word ‘respect’ with ‘support’, but the Americans evaded and said they could not use the word ‘support’, so I said if you could not change one word, how could I persuade the people of Kurdistan not to hold a referendum?” Barzani writes.
Barzani did not give up to pressures, and the referendum was held as scheduled. Iraqi government reacted severely and took some serious actions against KRI; it closed airports and put diplomatic sanctions on KRI. Three weeks after the referendum and on October 16, the Iraqi forces controlled Disputed Areas including Kirkuk that makes half of Kurdistan Region land.
On those days KRI was on the verge of disintegration, a massive number of people was displaced in the Disputed Areas, and Peshmerga Force has tens of injured and martyrs.
The KDP and referendum supporters, including part of PUK led by Kosrat Rasul Ali, believe that referendum was the implementation of a substantial right and was a historical achievement, however, they believe, a group within the PUK “betrayed the result”, referring to the incidents of October 16, 2017. They blame the group “for being part of Iraqi Shiites parts and Iran.”
The proponents of the process believe that the referendum was a “treason” in itself, given that KRI lost half of its lands and severe penalties were imposed on KRI.
Blaming each other for “treason” is not new for the Kurdish parties. During the past half-century, Kurdish parties have accused one another for “treason” regarding some events and the suffering of the Kurds.