Same Faces, New Election: Frustration Builds Among Kurdistan Voters Before Iraq’s Polls

Peregraf
With Iraq’s upcoming parliamentary elections on the horizon, the political landscape in the Kurdistan Region remains largely unchanged—at least in terms of candidates. The electoral lists of all major parties, whether ruling or opposition, are packed with repeat faces: current and former members of parliament, ministers, and senior officials. This persistent recycling of political figures has triggered growing public frustration, particularly among younger voters and the unemployed.
Familiar Names, Unchanged Outcomes
The Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) and the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK), the two dominant ruling parties in the region, have opted to re-nominate familiar candidates across the provinces. The heads of the KDP lists in Erbil, Sulaymaniyah, Duhok, and Kirkuk are all either current or former Iraqi MPs. Similarly, the PUK’s list leaders in Erbil and Duhok are sitting MPs, while in Kirkuk, the current governor is a former Iraqi lawmaker. In Sulaymaniyah, the party has nominated a former Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) Health Minister.
The opposition parties have not charted a different course. The New Generation Movement has nominated current or former parliamentarians in Sulaymaniyah, Kirkuk, and Erbil. The Kurdistan Islamic Union (Yekgirtu) has done the same across Erbil, Sulaymaniyah, and Duhok. Even newly emergent parties such as the National Stance Movement (Halwest) and the People's Front (Baray Gel) have nominated past MPs or current members of the Kurdistan Parliament.
This recycling of leadership has drawn criticism from many citizens who see it as a sign that political elites are more interested in protecting their own interests than in representing the needs of the people.
Public Disillusionment
Khalid Ali, a young unemployed man from Sulaymaniyah, expressed his discontent with the nomination of veteran politicians who have either failed to deliver in the past or lost public trust.
"I don’t know what criteria they use to re-nominate the same old faces. Some have tried and failed, yet they keep coming back, still aiming to reach Baghdad. It’s as if no one else exists in this society but them. What have they done in the past that makes anyone believe they’ll do better in the future?" he said.
According to Khalid, many candidates are driven more by personal gain than public service. “Baghdad’s bread is fat,” he said, referring to the generous salaries of MPs. “Parliament has become a path to wealth. They’ve already enriched themselves—let them give others a chance. They receive more than 25 million dinars a month.”
Khalid was accompanied by his friend Ahmad Qader, who shared a similar view. “I feel the same—they should have introduced new faces to encourage public enthusiasm and greater participation, not the same old ones we’ve gained nothing from,” Ahmad told Peregraf.
This perception—that parliamentarians are enriching themselves while ordinary citizens continue to struggle—has led some voters to disengage entirely from the political process.
Lana Bakhtiar, a young woman in Sulaymaniyah, has decided to boycott the elections altogether. “What have parliamentarians changed in people’s lives?” she asked. “Our financial situation is worse every day. There’s been no Kurdistan Parliament for two years, and nothing has changed. Why should I vote if it only changes their lives, not ours?”
She has not renewed her biometric voter registration card, thereby forfeiting her right to vote. She is not alone in her stance.
Amid widespread criticism, some people—particularly party members—hold a different view. Aram Mohammed, a party cadre from Erbil who preferred not to disclose his full identity, said he fully supports re-nominating experienced MPs.
“I will definitely vote, and I support re-nominating our MPs, especially for the Iraqi parliament. It’s important for Kurds to have experienced representatives who can defend our rights in Baghdad,” he said.
“There are many other government positions with even greater financial benefits that do little for the people. So why is all the criticism focused only on parliamentarians?” he added.
Voter Apathy on the Rise
A recent follow-up by Peregraf on the biometric voter registration process, which lasted nearly three months, revealed a worrying trend. More than 18% of eligible voters in the Kurdistan Region—around 700,000 out of 3.8 million—did not renew their registration. This significant non-participation signals a quiet but powerful protest: a preemptive boycott of the election.
The 3.8 million eligible voters in the Kurdistan Region account for over 14% of Iraq’s total electorate. However, growing disillusionment with politics has translated into reduced enthusiasm for participating in what many see as a predetermined game dominated by entrenched political elites.
Expert Opinions: Necessity or Failure?
Despite public criticism, some experts argue that repeating candidates is not inherently a bad practice. Aram Jamal, an election specialist from the Kurdish Institute for Elections (KIE), believes that “not everything can be new.”
“Experience is necessary to teach new parliamentarians,” he said. “Re-nomination is a functional necessity of parliamentary work.”
However, Jamal also acknowledged that the public’s mistrust has been exacerbated by political parties themselves. “Parties have deliberately worked to devalue the parliament as an institution, making it weaker than the executive branch,” he said. “They failed to nurture new leaders and instead rely on old names.”
He also criticized the electoral system shift. “The current proportional representation system with the Sainte-Laguë method (divisor 1.7) allows candidates to enter parliament with very few votes,” Jamal explained. “In contrast, the 2021 system based on individual votes required parties to nominate popular candidates who could earn substantial support. After the Sadrists withdrew from parliament, the first thing the parties did was to change the system.”
Parliamentary Structure and Electoral Shifts
Iraq’s national parliament consists of 329 seats, 25% of which—83 seats—are reserved for women, and nine for religious and ethnic minorities. Of these, 44 seats (13.37%) are allocated to the Kurdistan Region: 18 for Sulaymaniyah, 15 for Erbil, and 11 for Duhok. Halabja is not counted as an independent province in this cycle and is grouped within Sulaymaniyah.
For the 2025 elections, Iraq has shifted from the previous Proportional Representation/List-Largest Remainder (known locally as Baqi al-Aqwi) to the modified Sainte-Laguë method. Experts warn this change benefits dominant parties and disadvantages smaller groups and independents.
As Iraq’s election approaches, the Kurdistan Region is caught in a cycle of political repetition. While some argue that experience is essential, many citizens—especially the youth—are frustrated with the lack of new faces and fresh ideas. With declining voter engagement and increasing public apathy, the election risks becoming less about democratic renewal and more about maintaining the status quo.