Peregraf
Nearly 11 months after the Kurdistan Parliament elections, the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) and the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK)-the two largest winners-have failed to form the 10th cabinet of the Kurdistan Region. Despite more than 10 rounds of negotiations, the two historic rivals remain locked in disagreement over how to divide senior posts, especially security portfolios, which has stalled both the government and the parliament from moving forward.
According to Peregraf’s follow-up, while the two sides have found common ground on many ministerial positions, the battle over security posts remains the fundamental stumbling block. A source familiar with the discussions said: "Talks have been halted because both parties insist on holding the most sensitive posts. The KDP will not relinquish the presidency of the region, the premiership, or the Ministry of Interior. The PUK, meanwhile, insists on securing either the Ministry of Interior or the post of Security Council Advisor, Furthermore, the PUK demands either the post of Prime Minister or the President of the Kurdistan Region".
Why Security Matters
In Kurdistan, control of the armed, intelligence, and security forces goes far beyond formal authority. Senior positions in these institutions carry enormous political influence and extend a party’s reach into nearly all aspects of governance.
The Kurdistan Region Security Council-created by law in 2011-sits at the heart of this struggle. The Council supervises the region’s security and intelligence agencies, including the Kurdistan Region Security Agency, the Military Intelligence Directorate, and the party-run Parastin (KDP) and Zanyari (PUK) intelligence branches.
Although the law states the Council is directly answerable to the President of the Kurdistan Region, in practice it has long been dominated by the KDP. Masrour Barzani held the position of Security Council Advisor until becoming prime minister in 2019 and has since continued to wield decisive influence. "Even now, the Council operates under Masrour Barzani’s authority," a senior KDP source told Peregraf. "President Nechirvan Barzani has no real oversight of its activities."
For years, the KDP has refused to place the Security Council on the negotiating table, seeing it as a strategic stronghold. The PUK, however, argues that sharing power over this body is essential for genuine partnership in government.
The deadlock has prevented the swearing-in of the new Kurdistan Parliament’s leadership, which requires an agreement on distributing posts before electing a speaker and deputies. The parliament, which opened its first session in December 2024, has not reconvened since.
The joint communiqué issued after the latest KDP–PUK meeting on August 14 acknowledged the urgency of resolving the dispute. Both sides pledged to make "serious and intensive efforts" to ensure parliament resumes work in September and the cabinet takes shape. Yet, with mid-September already passed, no progress has been made, and meetings have not resumed.
Prime Minister Masrour Barzani admitted on June 25 that the cabinet’s agenda has already been agreed with the PUK, but the sticking point remains the distribution of posts. "We could form a majority government," he said, "but we want the main parties to be partners in order to avoid future problems."
Election Pressure
The Iraqi parliamentary elections, scheduled for November 11, add further complications. The official campaign begins on October 10, and electioneering could deepen the rift between the KDP and PUK as each seeks to maximize its share of Kurdish seats in Baghdad. Analysts fear neither side will make concessions on cabinet posts until after those elections, prolonging the stalemate in Erbil.
The Kurdistan Parliament elections, held on October 20, 2024, produced a fragmented assembly. The KDP won 39 seats, plus three minority seats aligned with it, totaling 42. The PUK won 23 seats, plus two minority seats, totaling 25. The New Generation Movement secured 15 seats, the Kurdistan Islamic Union 7, while other small parties collectively took 11. Five minority seats were split between the KDP and PUK.
A majority of 51 seats is required to form a cabinet. With neither the KDP nor the PUK able to reach that threshold alone, cooperation between them is seen as the only viable path to forming the 10th cabinet. Together they control 67 seats, more than enough for a majority coalition.
Adding to the difficulties, seven opposition parties have rejected the election results, describing the vote as fraudulent and "designed." The Kurdistan Justice Group has even boycotted parliament altogether. While the Iraqi Independent High Electoral Commission dismissed fraud allegations, the controversy has further weakened trust in the legitimacy of the new parliament.
The New Generation Movement, which holds 15 seats, has set tough conditions for joining the government, leaving the KDP and PUK with little choice but to strike a deal between themselves if they want to move forward.
The prolonged impasse has left the Kurdistan Region without a functioning government nearly a year after voters went to the polls. It has also blocked legislative activity, as parliament cannot operate normally until a speaker is elected.
Observers say the dispute is less about policy and more about power and control. With the premiership and presidency already in KDP hands, the PUK is demanding a major security post to balance the scales. The KDP, however, fears that conceding either the Ministry of Interior or the Security Council would weaken its dominance in the security sphere.
Unless one side softens its stance, the stalemate could drag on well past Iraq’s November elections, leaving the Kurdistan Region in political limbo.